Everyday Life

Henri Lefebvre, in the book Critique of Everyday Life (2014, in French 1947, 1961, 1968, 1981), studies everyday life, which is not banal but represents a direct product of a society governed by consumerism and the bureaucratization of life. Everyday life is the best indicator of how the capitalist mode of production has shaped modern society. Bureaucratization and consumerism have impoverished and taken away authenticity from everyday life. Capitalism, marketing, and the liberal-democratic state have created a "bureaucratic society of organized consumption". On the other hand, everyday life contains the seeds of resistance to such a system, because it preserves the collective memory of alternative practices and supports the development of strategies and movements that challenge the existing social order. The city should be studied on three levels of analysis: global (as a space shaped by the capitalist mode of production), mixed (as a mediator between the state and everyday life of people), and private level (the everyday life of people in private space). Lefebvre advocates the introduction of a regressive-progressive method, which connects the micro-social level of everyday life with the macro-social level.

Dorothy Smith, in The Everyday World as Problematic: A Feminist Sociology (1987), argues that sociological knowledge is gained from the positions and views of men and creates, as the author calls them, "relations of ruling", which are a set of organized practices and discourses of the state, companies, and professional and educational organizations, which permeate multiple locations of power. Sociology overlooked both the female experience of everyday life and the female position within the macro context of capitalist society. She proposed an alternative, a sociology based on the positions and views of women (standpoint of women). This sociology takes into account the everyday life of women, but also the innate relations of ruling that are maintained through institutions and shape that everyday life. In the context of this view of sociology, Smith developed the concept of "institutional ethnography", which represents a methodological strategy for the sociological research of women.

Michel de Certau, in The Practice of Everyday Life (1984, in French 1980), studies how people, in their everyday life, change the meanings and practices of socially established rituals and symbols. In his theoretical approach, the most important difference is between the concepts of "strategy" and "tactics". Institutions and other power structures produce and implement strategies, thus acting as producers of the symbolic order, while, on the other hand, individuals act as “consumers” who use everyday tactics in specific environments and circumstances. He gives the example of a city where authorities, institutions, and companies have shaped the look and the way it people should behave in it, while, in everyday life, ordinary people use tactics to avoid these rules of conduct. The practice of "wriggling" (la perruque) at work functions in a similar way. Workers at work behave as if they are working, doing nothing, or doing something that is not related to the job itself. Certeau believes that everyday life functions by occupying the territory of others, using rules and products that already exist in culture, but in an inventive and original way. Those in power use strategies to create rules, while ordinary people use tactics to use those same rules as a means of creative resistance to power structures. Certeau believes that all strategies and tactics must be understood as "spatial practices", that is, they are always localized in space. There are two main practices by which people locate themselves in everyday life: appropriating spaces and names and telling stories about those spaces. Through these two practices, individuals give direction and meaning to their behavior. 

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