The globalization approach is an internally diverse approach that is united by the assumption that the process of globalization, whether in economic, political, or cultural spheres, is one of the most crucial for understanding and explaining modern societies and the World.

                                    Economic Globalization   

Among theorists of economic globalization, there are different views on the character and scope of changes, so they are divided into hyperglobalists, skeptics, and transformationalists. Hyperglobalists believe that with globalization comes a completely new epoch in the development of humanity, an unprecedented level of economic integration of the world economy; skeptics believe that economic globalization does not exist and that it is only a theoretical myth, and that the world economy was much more integrated a hundred years ago; transformationalists view globalization as a new phase in the historical process characterized by networking, global division of labor and a multitude of contradictory processes.

Regarding the driving forces of economic globalization, various authors single out the following as the most important: new technologies (primarily in the domain of information and communications), transnational companies, international financial institutions, the global economic elite, and the most economically and politically powerful nation-states. Different authors see the beginning of a new wave of economic globalization in different periods and events - some see the beginning of globalization in the age of modernity, some point out the oil crisis and the rejection of the gold standard at the beginning of the seventies of the twentieth century as the beginning, the third see coming to power of Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher in the early eighties, while last see the collapse of socialism in Eastern Europe and Asia as the most important turning point in the global economy.

Regarding the level at which change should occur in response to the harmful effects caused by economic globalization, some authors see a solution in a strong state, which adapts to the global economy but prevents the negative effects of unbridled capitalism. This approach is represented by Anthony Giddens and Urlik Beck. Other authors primarily advocate global change - they advocate the creation of a completely new global economic-political system. Authors who advocate for such global changes are Leslie Skler, David Held, and Antony McGrew. Regarding the ideological orientation towards the establishment of egalitarianism by the authors who advocate for changing the current situation, the answers vary from the social-liberal orientation embodied in the ideology of the "third way" of Anthony Giddens, through returning to Keynesian social democracy, to advocating for the introduction of market socialism at the level of the whole world (Leslie Sklair). Another important division is between theories that see globalization as a project, primarily by the neoliberal elite, with the aim of expanding global capitalism; and theories that primarily view globalization as an unstoppable and irreversible process of increasing integration of the world. 

British sociologist Leslie Sklair in the late 1980s began to study the process of globalization, which made him one of the pioneers of the sociology of globalization. In his works, he claims that there are two rival systems of globalization - one is the dominant system of neoliberal capitalist globalization, while the other is the socialist and alter-globalist system of globalization. He is a sharp critic of neoliberal globalization and one of the most influential proponents of socialist/alternative globalization.

"Transnational practices" are most important for the process of neoliberal globalization. Sklair defines globalization as " as a particular way of organizing social life across existing state borders " (2002). He believes that as transnational practices are becoming more dominant, state borders are becoming less and less important. Transnational practices have created major changes in three key areas: the economy, politics, and the cultural and ideological spheres. In the sphere of the economy, the most important actors are transnational corporations. These corporations changed global capitalism, which was an international system, into a globalized system, operating separately from any individual state. Sklair singles out, as the most influential, companies that are on the list of "Global 500 corporations", a list compiled every year by Fortune magazine. Transnational corporations achieve their economic goals through foreign direct investment. Foreign direct investment does not represent the majority of the income of some corporations, however, these investments have a huge impact on the economy and politics of less developed countries, which often depend on these investments.

The most important product of transnational practice in the sphere of politics is the "transnational capitalist class". This class does not only contain the owners of capital but consists of four separate "fractions", which act more or less uniquely. What unites these four fractions is that: they have more global than local economic interests; they have political control, both at the state and world level; they spread the same cultural and ideological matrix; they see themselves more as citizens of the world than as citizens individual states, and they share a similar luxury lifestyle. The four fractions of the transnational capitalist class, according to Sklair's interpretation, are: 1) the corporate fraction - directors and managers of transnational corporations; 2) the state fraction - politicians and appointed bureaucrats who control state policy, but also international political institutions (UN, EU, etc.); 3) the technical fraction - globalized professionals; 4) the consumerist fraction - key individuals who control the media and the trade sector.

The third sphere in which transnational practices have had the greatest influence is what Sklair calls the  "culture-ideology of consumerism." He introduces this notion to emphasize the breadth and importance that the practice and values ​​of the culture-ideology of consumerism have on the economy, politics, and everyday behavior of people. The media and retail chains are key players in the spread of consumerism. The mass media implant the cultural ideology of consumerism in the minds of individuals while they are still children. The mass media blurs the boundaries between information, entertainment, and product promotion to sell the products they advertise to customers, but also to spread a consumerist view of the world. Retail chains, primarily through shopping malls, create places where the experience of buying goods merges with the experience of going to an amusement park. The final effect is the creation of a cultural need, fully internalized by individuals, for products created by capitalist corporations.

Sklair is one of the most influential and vocal advocates of socialist/alternative globalization. He believes that the only real alternative to neoliberal capitalist globalization is socialist globalization. As the main actors who can resist neoliberal globalization and lay the groundwork for socialist globalization, Sklair sees new social movements (alter-globalist, environmental, women's) and their organizations. According to Sklair, the goals of socialist globalization should be: reviving the local economy that would be controlled by the local community, negotiating the reduction of the external debt of states, expanding production cooperatives and consumer cooperatives, developing cultural ideology of human rights (especially economic and social rights).

Dutch-American sociologist Saskia Sassen is best known for her study of globalization within which she is most concerned with the global economy, immigration, and global cities. Sassen introduced the notion of the global city into sociology in her book The Global City: New York, London, Tokyo (1991). Global cities are the focal points of the organization of the global economy; they are centers of financial firms and firms specializing in special services; they are innovation production centers in the most profitable industries, and they are large markets for products and innovation. These cities are globally integrated, with each other. They have undergone major changes in the structure of economic branches, spatial organization, and social structure. Global cities differ from earlier cities in that the modern economy has a greater need for centralized control and management. These cities are centers of financial and banking innovation and services, marketing, accounting, and legal services, and the largest users of these services are transnational companies.

These economic sectors represent the largest source of income and economic power of global cities. Transnational companies, even if their center is not in one of the global cities, are becoming more and more attached to them. The networked relations of global cities are a source of global control that separates these cities from the scope of control of the countries in which they are located. At the same time, as these cities become more networked and dependent on each other, so they become more separate and independent from the state. Global cities usually have large and culturally diverse immigration from all over the world, so this multiculturalism makes them even more global. When Sassen set out to explore global cities, she singled out New York, London, and Tokyo, and in her book Sociology of Globalization (2006) written 15 years after the first book, she estimated that there were about forty global cities.

Sassen singles out three levels where changes are taking place in the age of globalization: local, state, and global. At the local level, great socio-economic changes are taking place, as many old industries and areas in which they were concentrated are declining, and new areas with new and more profitable industries are strengthening. The biggest change, especially in more developed countries, is the decline in the importance of classic industries - mining, textile production, production of consumer goods, machinery industry, and the like. These jobs, which previously gave durability and security of employment and income to manual workers, as well as the possibility of creating influential unions, are disappearing and are being replaced by insecure and poorly paid jobs in service industries.

These changes, at the state level, lead to the creation of increasing economic differences between regions and individuals, which conditions migration to cities and areas experiencing economic growth. As global cities rise, so do other, less developed areas. At the global level, there are growing inequalities between the countries of the center and the countries of the periphery; there is an increase in immigration from the periphery to the center; and the weakening of the influence of nation-states in relation to global cities. Nation-states do not lose their significance completely, but the concept of sovereignty and territoriality is changing crucially. Sassen calls this process "deterritorialization of national territory".

Sassen believes that global and partially de-nationalized classes are being formed and singles out the following such classes: transnational corporate professionals and executives; the most important civil servants involved in global governance; as well as unskilled workers who are part of the global production network. As the upper and working classes become more globalized, the middle class remains less globalized and more nationally entrenched. International corporations, financial organizations, governments, and regulatory bodies of nation-states form the operational infrastructure of corporate economic globalization and are run by representatives of two higher global classes. Transnational corporate professionals and executives possess the education and social capital and are highly interconnected and mobile. The transnational network of the most important civil servants is very connected with transnational professionals and managers, and their main function is to enable the deregulation of the national economy and markets. These two global classes make up what Sassen calls the "global elite".

British sociologist Zygmunt Bauman in the book Globalization: The Human Consequences (1998), explores how the process of globalization has led to a lack of control and planning at the level of the entire planet, which is in a state of increased risk and fear because changes in objective living conditions have created a specific postmodern "habitat". In modern globalized capitalism, capital and finance are becoming more mobile and extraterritorial (financial capital is completely independent of state borders, capital in international trade is almost completely independent of the state, while industrial capital is significantly autonomous from the state), and supranational, that is, "planetary" organizations have a growing impact on the global economy, as a result of which the ability of nation states to control their own economy decreases significantly.

Economic globalization thus leads to increased independence of capital, which, freed from central control, becomes autonomous, but also increasingly chaotic, which leads to the creation of a "new world chaos" (as a counterpart to the "new world order"). While the idea of ​​"universalization" was present earlier, that is, the idea of ​​creating a universal global order and order, this idea has been completely abandoned in recent times. States are increasingly losing the ability to regulate their economic processes and achieve "dynamic equilibrium" through customs, monetary or fiscal policy. As national governments must obey the forces of extraterritorial global capital, counties lose, not only economic but also political sovereignty. Global capital requires states to pursue a policy of balanced budget and to abolish all forms of intervention in the economy and markets, implement deregulation and liberalization, reduce or abolish taxes for companies and banks, curtail labor protection laws, allow complete freedom of movement of capital, as and to minimize social benefits. The strength of individual states should be minimal, just enough to guarantee the physical and legal security of global investments in its territory.

The globalization of capital and the reduction of regulations lead to the "end of geography", that is, the end of the idea that geophysical boundaries can limit and slow down the flow of global capital. Even at the political level, the distinction between foreign and domestic policy is increasingly lost. For the global capitalist elite, political boundaries are as porous and unimportant as geophysical ones. Telecommunications and the Internet have enabled the transfer of information at the local level to be as fast as at the level of the entire planet. However, the technological revolution and reduction of spatial and temporal distances lead to increasing polarization at the global level. Thus, the differences between the poor and the rich are growing at the local level, where the rich elites are locked in fenced neighborhoods, which leads to increased rivalry and enmity between the elite and the masses of the poor. Withdrawing the elite and upper class to the rich suburbs almost always leads to an atmosphere of fear, paranoia, intolerance, and isolation, directed at those who do not live in those rich, racially and ethnically segregated suburbs. The artificially created demographic uniformity leads to conformism, and intolerance and calls for the preservation of order and peace, all in order to maintain that illusion of security and equality within those suburbs. This class-geographical segregation leads to an increase in poverty and crime in the poorer parts of big cities.

The power of global capital is also leading to increasing political fragmentation. The masses of disenfranchised individuals are increasingly divided on various political and ideological issues, which directly reduces their ability to unite in effective collective action to fight for their economic interests. Workers, in particular, are losing their sense of emotional connection to the workplace, and they need to become just a flexible workforce, which will not control factories and demand rights. Trade union organization and job security should be replaced by complete flexibility of the workforce without any labor rights. The state is obliged to build surveillance and punishment complexes, almost completely aimed at the poor while going to prison is a punishment for the very fact that they are poor. The state and the media are making a spectacle of criminal acts, and the desire of the state and the public to punish criminals is becoming more important than the crime rate and the effectiveness of prison sanctions.

The global redistribution of wealth and power is leading to the creation of a new planetary stratification structure. Few of the world's billionaires control the world's vast wealth, while two-thirds of the world's population lives in utter poverty. The mass media have a special role in manipulating the population in rich countries, forming their attitude towards poverty in underdeveloped countries. The media is hiding true levels of poverty and presents a picture in which poor countries are to blame for their failures, while reports on wars, epidemics, famines, and refugees serve to convince rich citizens that any attempt to really help underdeveloped countries is doomed to failure.

Sociologist Chase-Dunn, In the book Rise and Demise: Comparing World – Systems (1997), presents the thesis that the states that were on the periphery of the world system, and were heading towards the center, were the main cause of the formation of empires and the development of trade. A similar process is happening today in Mexico, India, South Korea, and Brazil, which could lead to the transformation of the current global system. In the book Global Social Change: Historical and Comparative Perspectives (2006), Chase-Dunn concludes that in periods of recession and economic decline, de-globalization occurs. He points out that political globalization represents the internationalization of political structures and leads to the creation of a growing consensus on the international normative order. He also studied the causes of socio-cultural evolution, global civil society, and the democratization of global governance. 

British-American sociologist Roland Robertson approaches the phenomenon of modernization from the perspective of Parsons' functionalism. Robertson observed the process of modernization at the level of the entire planet, which influenced him to become one of the first theorists of globalization. In a series of articles, which will later be published in the book Globalization: Social Theory and Global Culture (1992), Robertson developed a specific sociological approach to globalization. In the same book, he defines globalization as  "the compression of the world and the intensification of the consciousness of the world as a whole" (Robertson, 1992). Robertson does not believe that globalization occurred after the cessation of modernization, but that globalization is only a continuation of the process of modernization at the global level.

To better explain the relationship between the spread of modernization throughout the world and local cultural specifics, Robertson introduced the notion of "glocalization" into sociology. This term refers to a situation in which the expansion of global culture is taking place, but, at the same time, local traditions are being preserved, as well as a concurrent and related process of specific transformation of global trends, in order to more easily fit into local culture. One of the examples of glocalization is the spread of nationalism as an ideology, which originated with modernization in the West and spread across the planet, but which is operationalized and contextualized in different ways in each local culture.

Another example cited by Robertson is the global market for goods and services and the spread of consumer culture. Although the market for goods and services is becoming more and more global, and consumer culture (consumerism) is spreading to all parts of the world, the global market is adapting to specific local markets. The production and marketing of many goods and services, sold globally, are adapted to local tastes and consumer habits. The notion of glocalization tends to overcome the debate between those who believe that homogenization is taking place and those who believe that the heterogenization of the world is happening. What often happens is a combination of homogenization with heterogenization and universalism with particularism. While arguing that the world is shrinking, Robertson warns that "we should not equate the communicative and interactive connecting of such cultures with the notion of homogenization of all cultures. We should not, in other words, conflate discussion of the culture of interaction between two or more socio-cultural collectivities with the issue of whether a generalized process of homogenization of all cultures is occurring”(1995b).

American sociologist George Ritzer developed a concept he called "McDonaldization", which is best illustrated in the book McDonaldization of Society (1993). Ritzer sees McDonaldization (a term he introduced to sociology back in 1983) as the application of Max Weber's rationality to the overall structure of society, with McDonald's business taken only as an example that best reflects this process. Unlike the period in which Weber wrote, bureaucratization no longer represents the best model of rationalization;  McDonaldization has become the best way of rationalization in modern times. The type of rationalization that was introduced by McDonaldization seeks to achieve four main goals: 1) to increase efficiency, 2) to increase measurability, 3) to increase predictability, and 4) to increase control.

An additional goal is, where possible, to replace human labor with mechanical labor. McDonald's, through its business model, perfectly achieves four main goals, although it still retains human labor and has not replaced it with mechanical labor. McDonald's has managed to achieve these goals by standardizing every aspect of its business: retail outlets, menus, meal layouts, prefabricated ingredients, food preparation, customer relations, and the like. In addition, McDonald's has perfectly applied Frederick Taylor's workflow rationalization and Ford's model of automation - food is produced as cars are produced on the workbench. The essence of the process of McDonaldization is the application of these principles and models of work in as many companies as possible, but also in other organizations and institutions (churches, schools, hospitals, courts).

Ritzer warns that behind such a formal rationalization of the work process, there is a danger of "the irrationality of rationality". As the main examples of irrationality, Ritzer cites: higher costs, dehumanization, loss of authenticity, increased environmental and health risks, etc. In more recent work, Ritzer examines how Starbucks' business models (coffee sales) and online shopping sites, such as Amazon and eBay, have influenced the McDonaldization process.

When he began to develop his theory of McDonaldization in the 1980s, Ritzer was primarily focused on studying the situation in the United States. He later began to study how the process of McDonaldization is spreading across the planet, and thus becoming part of a broader process of globalization. In addition to the process of McDonaldization, he studies how consumer culture, and the use of credit cards, are becoming global phenomena.

In the book Globalization of Nothing (2004), Ritzer takes over the concept of "non-places", which was introduced by anthropologist Marc Augé and further expounds it. Apart from non-places, such as shopping malls and airports, Ritzer believes that there is also a globalization of "non-things" (Gucci bags), "non-people" (costumed characters at Disneyland), and "non-services" (bank ATMs). Ritzer defines "nothing" as something that is controlled and conceived at the central level, and at the same time deprived of specific essential content. Ritzer calls the process of spreading nothing (non-places, non-things, non-people, non-services) "grobalization". Grobalization is the complete opposite of the process of "glocalization" (Robertson).

Canadian journalist and political theorist Naomi Klein is one of the most famous critics of corporate globalization. In No Logo (1999), Klein studies the business of global corporate brands, production conditions, marketing tactics, and the ideology of consumerism. In The Shock Doctrine (2007), she points out that major social upheavals, such as natural disasters or military coups, serve as a basis and excuse for neoliberal ideologues, corporations, and political powerbrokers to put neoliberal ideas into practice.                

                                    Political Globalization

German sociologist Ulrich Beck studied globalization in the book Power in the Global Age (2005, in German 2002). The basic assumption of Beck's view of globalization is that at the end of the twentieth century, there was a key political transformation because the distinction between national and international in world domestic politics was abolished. Such a transformation creates a new world domestic policy in which the "open ended meta game of power" has become dominant. While in earlier times the best approach to the analysis of national and global politics was political realism, in the new age, that approach should be replaced by a completely new analytical approach - cosmopolitan realism. Cosmopolitan realism represents the "new economy of world politics" and combines the study of strategic power within the transnational economy, with the study of how the state and its institutions can respond to the challenges and problems posed by the development of the global economy and modernization.

Globalization leads to the demise of the importance of the nation-state and its policies, as well as the national economy because key political and economic events take place at the transnational level. Under global capitalism, the consumer has also become global because his behavior, which includes protests, is global. In the meta-game, there is an asymmetry in the power of the strategic ability of capital in relation to states and global civil society. The strategic power of capital does not arise from its unified performance but is the product of uncoordinated actions of a large number of individual companies, financial institutions, and international organizations (IMF, World Bank, WTO). Although these entities do not act in a coordinated manner, they all exert pressure on individual states and thus weaken the power of the nation-state. In addition to the cosmopolitanism of states, Beck singles out false cosmopolitanism, which is evident when individual states act internationally to implement their national-hegemonic plans.

The goal of strategies of global capital is the merging of the capital with the state, which is necessary in order to turn the state into a neoliberal state. The ultimate goal is the instrumentalization of the neoliberal state in order to maximize and legitimize the interests of capital on the level of the entire planet. In contrast, the global civil society aims to unite civil society and the state in a cosmopolitan state, to achieve a post-national and post-global order, in which radical and democratic globalization would be carried out under the legitimacy of global morality. One of the ways how global capital reduces the power of states is the global flow of capital, investment, goods, and services between international corporations themselves. In this way, state control is avoided, because these factors of production cross borders without official evidence, customs clearance, and taxation; thus the revenues that the state could collect are reduced. About half of the world's trade is just such "non-trade" between corporations. 

The greatest bargaining power that transnational companies have in relations with individual countries is the threat of not investing money or withdrawing capital from the country, that is, the so-called "relocation option". Global capital thus changes the structure of power relations and leaves voters in democratic elections, parliament, courts, and the executive without real power. This meta-power is outside the categories of legal and illegal but already exists as "translegal" at the national and international levels. The translegality of the world's meta-power gives legitimacy to anti-globalization movements around the world, thus creating strange coalitions of different ideological movements and the growth of ethnic and religious fundamentalism.

All political parties, around the world and in all countries, increasingly resemble each other and their names serve only as facades for a single program shaped by neoliberal ideology. Global capital and neoliberalism lead to many negative consequences, locally but also globally: financial instability and crises; unemployment and automation; inequality and poverty; environmental disasters and risks; declining tax revenues; as well as the decline of democracy. Globalization has led to new planetary social inequalities. Poor countries, most often, become even poorer, while the rich get richer. Globalization and the inequalities it creates are linked to declining incomes, overexploitation of natural resources, and the weakening of democracy.

In the age of the meta-power of global capital, the state has not yet lost its function, it must be strong enough to implement liberalization, privatization, and deregulation; it must have a stable legal order to secure investments and privileges given to capital; it must have strong boundaries to prevent immigration. The power of the state to control (supervise and punish) the exploited and subjugated masses must be maximized, and, on the other hand, the power of the state to control the work and finances of corporations must be minimized. The more, on a global level, the national approach to global phenomena grows, that is, the more rivalries and enmities between states grow, the stronger the meta-power of capital and the weak potential for interstate cooperation and counter-power creation. Meta-power is guided by the slogan "divide and conquer".

British political scientist David Held studied how the processes of political and economic globalization affect the autonomy and sovereignty of the nation-state, but also democracy and civil rights. Held states that Economic globalization (primarily the increase of international financial markets, but also the actions of the IMF and the World Bank) has led to the fact that the nation-state has less and less opportunity to independently regulate monetary and financial policy. Political globalization - the spread of international law, the United Nations, the European Union, and international conventions - contribute to the disappearance of the Westphalian order, according to which each state had full sovereignty.

In addition to analyzing the situation, Held also made a detailed proposal on how, in the future, national and global processes can be managed through what he calls "cosmopolitan democracy" and "world governance". He proposes the reconstruction of already existing national and international political institutions. The absolute sovereignty of the state would be replaced by the distribution of sovereignty at the world, regional and national levels. At the global level, the United Nations needs to be reformed so that the UN General Assembly becomes a global assembly that would pass the most important laws - on the protection of civil, political, social, and cultural rights of individuals, world market regulation, and environmental regulation. Regional political organizations, at the level of continents, following the example of the European Union, would regulate regional relations. The nation-state would, on the principle of subsidiarity, decide on national issues. Human, political, and economic rights, as well as the freedom of all the inhabitants of the planet, would be guaranteed at the level of the whole world. In such a model of global political organization, the state would not lose its importance, it would even expand its influence because all states would decide on global issues equally while retaining most of their sovereignty over their territory.

                                 Cultural Globalization

British sociologist Martin Albrow studies problems of globalization in the book The Global Age (1996), where he defines globalization as "the diffusion of practices, values, and technologies that affect people's lives around the world." Globalization leads to a decline in the importance of the nation-state, while, at the same time, bringing an increase in international ties, diversification of patterns of personal relations, and an increase in the number of social forms that transcend national borders. He makes a sharp distinction between modernity, which is characterized by the great influence of the state, and the market, and the spread of universal ideas, and globalization, which is characterized by the absence of cultural borders and diversification of cultural expressions. In the political sphere, identity-based politics is becoming more important than national politics. In the same book, he argues that at the end of the twentieth century, there comes the development of hyperglobalization. Hyperglobalization is characterized by the emergence of global capitalism and global governance, and they are the biggest motors of the development of capitalism and technology. The ultimate end result of this process is the creation of a global civilization.

Spanish sociologist Manuel Castells focuses on the question of how social movements function in the age of the Internet and globalization, as well as on information technology and network society. He believes that both the economic crisis of the 1970s and the development of information and communication technologies produced a new type of society. Castells uses the terms "information capitalism" and "information age" to describe current development trends. Networks in the modern age affect all areas of human behavior, thus creating a "network society". Globalization and networks have led to accelerating change at the global level. Networking leads to fewer opportunities for nation-states to influence the economy.

American sociologist John Meyer gained his greatest popularity in the mid-1990s when he applied his neo-institutional approach to the study of globalization. This approach to the process of globalization is often called the "world society theory" or the "World Polity Theory". Meyer views the process of globalization as the emergence and spread of "World Culture". Since the middle of the nineteenth century, a rationalized world institutional and cultural order has been created. This order contains universal models that shape countries, organizations, and individual identities. World culture originates from the European tradition of rational Christianity, the Westphalian system of state sovereignty, and Enlightenment universalism.

The universal ideas of state sovereignty, individual rights, and rational progress began to spread in the nineteenth century throughout Europe and further to other continents. These ideas were spread by many private and state organizations and social movements. After the Second World War, this system became ubiquitous, because it was applied by almost all countries. World culture, which has also become ubiquitous, gives legitimacy to individual states because it places them in the broader system of the "world polity". However, world culture and world polity do not lead to an absolutely homogeneous World, because there will always be regional and local differences in the implementation of fundamental values. World culture acts as a system that detects and solves global problems, such as global warming, but also local ones, such as corruption or human rights violations.

Swedish anthropologist Ulf Hannerz primarily studies the globalization of culture. Hannerz believes that a "global ecumene" is being created in the world through the processes of "Creolization". Creolization, in his opinion, is a process in which, more and more, the culture of the center and the periphery are coming closer. The periphery produces some cultural products that are sold on the global market. Global ecumenism denotes a concept similar to what some authors call "glocalization." Global culture is always consumed at the local level and follows local patterns, so there is a mixture of the global and local culture at four organizational levels: state, market, social movements, and lifestyles. The complex relationships of global and local cultures create diverse "habitus of meaning".

Authors: Albrow Martin, Amin Samir, Bauman Zygmunt, Beck Urlich, Bell Daniel, Bordieu Pierre, Castells Manuel, Chase-Dunn Christopher, Frank Guner Andre, Giddens Anthony, Hannerz Ulf, Harvey David, Held David, Huntington Samuel, Klein Naomi, Polanyi Karl, Ritzer George, Robertson Roland, Said Edward, Sklair Leslie, Sassen Saskia, Wallerstein Immanuel. Appadurai Arjun, Archibugi Daniele, Barber Benjamin, Bello Walden, Cavanagh John, Clark Ian, Falk Richard, Friedman Jonathan, Friedman Thomas, Fukuyama Francis, Hardt Michael, Negri Antonio, Pieterse Jan Nederveen, Robinson William, Strange Susan, Waters Malcolm, Watson L. James, Weiss Linda.

Books:

Abu-Lughod. New York, Chicago, Los Angeles: America's Global Cities (1999);

Ahrne. The Construction of Social Bonds A Relational Theory of Globalization, Organizations and Society (2021);

Albrow. Globalization, Knowledge and Society (1990);

The Global Age: State and Society Beyond Modernity (1996);

     -     Global Civil Society (2011);

     -     Globality and the Absence of Justice (2011);

     -     China's Role in a Shared Human Future (2018);

Amin. Capitalism in the Age of Globalization: The Management of Contemporary Society (1997);

     -     Obsolescent Capitalism (2003);

     -     Beyond US Hegemony: Assessing the Prospects for a Multipolar World (2006);

     -     Global History: A View from the South (2010);

     -     The Implosion of Contemporary Capitalism (2013); 

     -     Modern Imperialism, Monopoly Finance Capital, and Marx's Law of Value (2018);

Ang. Chinatown Unbound: Trans-Asian Urbanism in the Age of China (2019);

Bauman. Postmodernity and Its Discontents (1997);

     -     Globalisation: The Human Consequences (1998);

     -     Liquid Modernity (2000);

Beck U. World Risk Society (1997);

     -     The Brave New World of Work  (2000);

     -     Cosmopolitan Vision (2006);

     -     World at Risk (2009);

     -     What Is Globalization? (2015);

     -     The Metamorphosis of the World: How Climate Change is Transforming Our Concept of the World (2017).

     -     Power in the Global Age (2005, in German 2002);

     -     Cosmopolitan Europe (2007, in German 2004);

Bourdieu. Counterfire: Against the Tyranny of the Market (2003, in French 1998);

Castells. Technopoles of the World: The Making of 21st Century Industrial Complexes (1994);

     -     The Information Age: The Rise of Network Society (1996); 

     -     The Information Age: The Power of Identity (1997); 

     -     End of Millennium (1998);

     -     The Internet Galaxy (2001);

     -     The Network Society: A Cross-Cultural Perspective (2004); 

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     -     Aftermath: The Cultures of the Economic Crisis (2012); 

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