What is Segregation?
Segregation is the formal or informal separation of groups within society, often based on characteristics such as race, ethnicity, gender, religion, social class, or sexual orientation. It creates and reinforces structural inequality by limiting access to opportunities, resources, and rights. One of the most significant examples was racial segregation in the United States after the abolition of slavery in 1865. In the U.S. South, segregation laws, known as Jim Crow laws, maintained white dominance and African American subordination through the doctrine of “separate but equal.” These laws affected schools, housing, transportation, and public facilities, creating a system that treated African Americans as second-class citizens while supporting their economic and political exploitation.
Segregation can occur in two forms: de facto and de jure. De facto segregation develops through social and economic processes rather than legal requirements. It is often evident in housing patterns, schools, and workplaces, where people from similar backgrounds tend to live and interact. However, discriminatory practices such as redlining and biased lending, insurance, and employment policies have historically reinforced these divisions.
De jure segregation is legally enforced. Laws may restrict access to education, housing, employment, public services, marriage, or property ownership. Historical examples include racial segregation in the United States, Jewish ghettos in Nazi Germany, divisions between Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland, and legal barriers to interracial and same-sex marriage. Together, both forms of segregation have had lasting social, economic, and political consequences.
Segregation in the USA pre-Civil Rights Act
Before the Civil War, many white Americans, particularly in the South, accepted close daily contact with enslaved people but expected strict social hierarchy and deference. Following emancipation in 1863–1865, many whites feared that African Americans would compete for jobs and challenge existing power structures. As a result, they sought new methods to maintain racial inequality.
Initially, segregation existed through custom and social practice, but it gradually became enforced by law. Southern states began passing segregation laws, known as „Jim Crow laws“, in the late nineteenth century, restricting Black Americans’ access to transportation, public accommodations, schools, employment opportunities, voting rights, and other public services. A major obstacle to these efforts was the Civil Rights Act of 1875, which guaranteed equal citizenship rights. However, in 1883 the Supreme Court declared the Act unconstitutional, paving the way for more extensive segregation. The process culminated in the 1896 Supreme Court case Plessy v. Ferguson, which established the doctrine of “separate but equal” and made segregation legal throughout the United States.
In the South, segregation created a biracial system in which Black and white communities were separated, but Black institutions were allowed to exist. African Americans developed their own schools, churches, hospitals, businesses, and professional organizations. Although most Black Southerners worked as sharecroppers or laborers and remained economically disadvantaged, these separate institutions enabled the growth of a Black middle class that included teachers, ministers, doctors, journalists, professors, and entrepreneurs.
This development had unintended consequences for white segregationists. The independent institutions created under segregation produced educated leaders who strengthened Black communities and fostered economic and social advancement. Over time, these leaders used schools, churches, businesses, and professional networks to organize resistance against segregation itself.
Ultimately, segregation in the South was not simply about separating races. Its primary purpose was to maintain white privilege by denying African Americans equal rights, opportunities, and access to resources while ensuring a supply of exploitable labor. At the same time, it unintentionally helped create the institutions and leadership that would later challenge and help dismantle the system.
Anti-Segregation Movement in the USA
Black Americans who challenged segregation often faced severe violence, including beatings and murders. Law enforcement agencies frequently failed to protect them and, in some cases, actively participated in maintaining segregation. As a result, many African Americans came to view segregation not only as a system of separation but also as a powerful symbol of racial inferiority supported by local, state, and federal institutions.
A key institution in the fight against segregation was the Black church. Created and strengthened under conditions of segregation, it became the organizational and leadership center of the Civil Rights Movement. However, the movement did not gain significant momentum until the 1950s. One important reason was the growth of the Black middle and skilled-working classes, which by the late 1950s made up nearly 40 percent of the African American population. Opportunities created during World War II improved economic conditions for many Black Americans and raised expectations for equality and social change.
The movement was further encouraged by the Supreme Court’s decision in Brown v. Board of Education, which declared school segregation unconstitutional and overturned the legal basis established by Plessy v. Ferguson. Yet progress was met with resistance, highlighted by the murder of Emmett Till in Mississippi.
A major turning point came on December 1, 1955, when Rosa Parks refused to give up her bus seat to a white passenger in Montgomery, Alabama. Her arrest sparked the Montgomery Bus Boycott, led by Martin Luther King Jr., who promoted nonviolent protest as the movement’s guiding strategy. Activists demanded the desegregation of transportation, public facilities, and educational institutions. Through their experiences, they realized that lasting change required not only protests but also national legal reforms, including comprehensive civil rights legislation. The most important anti-segregation legislation was the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Voting Rights Act of 1965, and the Civil Rights Act of 1968, all signed into law by President Lyndon B. Johnson.
Segregation in the USA Since the Civil Rights Act
Following the enactment of civil rights legislation in the 1960s, President Lyndon B. Johnson introduced affirmative action policies that encouraged government agencies and federally contracted businesses to increase minority representation in their workforces. These policies were intended to address the legacy of discrimination and create greater opportunities for African Americans.
However, the benefits of affirmative action were unevenly distributed. Middle-class Black Americans benefited the most because they possessed educational qualifications, professional networks, and family resources that enabled them to compete for newly available jobs. At the same time, the U.S. economy was shifting from manufacturing to service-sector employment, creating more opportunities in professional, technical, clerical, and human-service occupations. Affirmative action helped qualified Black workers gain access to these positions, but it did little to assist poor and unskilled individuals who lacked the education and training needed to compete in the changing labor market.
These economic changes contributed to the development of a segmented labor market, in which different social classes within the Black community experienced unequal opportunities for advancement. Martin Luther King Jr. recognized this problem and advocated for the Poor People’s Campaign, emphasizing that racial equality could not be achieved without addressing poverty and economic injustice.
Educational integration often failed to produce equal educational outcomes. Black students continued to face disadvantages in academic achievement, discipline, graduation rates, employment opportunities, and interactions with the criminal justice system. These educational inequalities contributed to broader social problems, including unemployment, poverty, crime, and poor health outcomes.
Racial segregation remains a significant feature of American society despite the end of legal segregation. Residential separation, unequal schools, and racially divided communities persist due to a combination of discriminatory attitudes, institutional practices, and systemic inequalities. As a result, racial equality remains an unrealized goal. Social, economic, and health consequences of ongoing segregation continue to disadvantage many African Americans.
Segregation in South Africa
Apartheid was a system of legally enforced racial segregation introduced in South Africa after the electoral victory of the National Party in 1948. Designed to replace informal segregation, apartheid sought to ensure complete separation between Black and white South Africans in all aspects of life, including schools, hospitals, transportation, housing, and public spaces. Black South Africans were subjected to severe restrictions, including forced residence in designated areas known as Bantustans and townships, where living conditions were often poor and overcrowded. They were denied basic rights, separated from family members, required to carry identification documents, and excluded from land ownership, voting, and interracial marriage.
The system created lasting social, economic, educational, and health inequalities that continued into the twenty-first century. Black South Africans were used as a source of cheap labor while being systematically denied opportunities for advancement.
Resistance to apartheid grew over time, led in part by Nelson Mandela and the African National Congress (ANC). Mandela was imprisoned in 1963 for his role in the struggle against apartheid and spent nearly three decades in prison before being released in 1990. He later served as president of South Africa from 1994 to 1999 and became an international symbol of civil rights, equality, and reconciliation.
Following the end of apartheid, South Africa established the Truth and Reconciliation Commission to investigate past abuses, document historical injustices, locate victims, and promote national healing.
Research on Segregation
William E. B. Du Bois studied the resurgence of institutional racism in the American South, embodied in segregation laws. He argued that after the end of the Civil War (1865), the proclamation of emancipation and the Fifteenth Amendment to the American Constitution guaranteed physical freedom, but also the political rights of African Americans. However, since 1877, laws requiring mandatory racial segregation in public places have been introduced in many southern states. Du Bois explains this renewal of official racism through economic and political macro-processes, inspired by theories of historical materialism. After the abolition of slavery, four million former slaves left the plantations, most of whom were illiterate and untrained for any other job. These former slaves made great efforts to make progress, but the structural circumstances did not help them. The economic crisis threatened the jobs of poor whites in the South, so they benefited economically from the introduction of segregation. Political conflicts between the two political currents enabled a compromise to be reached between the North and the South over the introduction of segregation. Towards the end of his life, Du Bois began researching the influence of Africa on the political and economic history of the planet.
In An American Dilemma (1944), Gunnar Myrdal presents the conflict between the "American faith" in equality and freedom and the enormous prejudice and discrimination that the African-American population faces daily and in all areas of life. The book provides detailed evidence of discrimination and its consequences. In addition to the racist attitudes of many members of the majority population of European descent, the causes of racial inequality lie in political, legal, and economic institutions that, at every turn, limit the constitutionally guaranteed rights of African Americans.
Nathan Glazer and Daniel Patrick Moynihan, in Beyond the Melting Pot: The Negroes, Puerto Ricans, Jews, Italians, and Irish of New York City (1963), researched inequality between ethnically segregated neighborhoods in New York City. They concluded that as each ethnic group becomes more integrated into the wider American society, it becomes less prone to suffer social and economic inequality.
In the book Colonial Immigrants in a British City: A Class Analysis (1979), John Rex and Sally Tomlinson showed, based on statistics and their own research, that there are two different labor markets in Britain: the primary labor market is characterized by high wages, good working conditions, job security and the possibility of advancement; while the situation on the secondary labor market is completely different. Immigrants who had the status of racial minorities were far more represented in the secondary labor market in Britain. These immigrant workers did not identify themselves with white workers and their culture but considered themselves a separate, unprivileged class. Rex advocated for clear political and social measures to improve the situation of these populations and warned that the absence of such measures could lead to racially based conflicts.
In The Decline of the Significance of Race (1978), William Julius Wilson examines the importance of class affiliation and social mobility for racial relations in America. He concludes that African-Americans, who belong to the middle and upper classes, i.e., those who have graduated from college and are employed in highly paid professions, have resources for upward socio-economic mobility, while African-Americans who belong to the lower class do not have such resources. The African-American Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s diminished the importance of race and enabled the creation of a large African-American middle class, so in the late 1970s, class affiliation affected life chances more than race.
In the book The Truly Disadvantaged (1987), Wilson re-emphasizes the importance of race for the life chances of African Americans and presents data on the highly vulnerable position of urban poor African Americans. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, African Americans began to move from the rural South to the industrialized North of the United States. Lacking qualifications, they performed the worst industrial jobs and had no chance of advancing. Their poverty and physical isolation in the ghettos led to an increase in white prejudice, which further worsened the position of African Americans. A further deterioration in the situation of a large number of African Americans occurred in the early 1960s, due to several structural factors. The decrease in the number of well-paid jobs in the manufacturing sector in cities, and at the same time the increase in low-paid service jobs, contributed to the reduction of employment, but also to the reduction of real wages of those who were employed. This led to impoverishment, so there was an increase in crime among the male population, as well as an increase in the number of people sentenced to prison terms. The consequence of that was an increased number of single-parent families, in which only the mother was present.
On the other hand, African-Americans, who managed to finish college and find good jobs, left poor urban neighborhoods and thus, even more, increased the poverty of those neighborhoods. By creating a spatial and socio-economic distance between poor and middle-class or rich African-Americans, the social isolation of the former has been significantly increased, as the possibility of their upward class mobility has been drastically reduced. Impoverished urban neighborhoods did not have enough money for schools, so the quality of education dropped significantly. All of these factors contributed, not caused, to the development of a culture of poverty among African Americans that internalized feelings of despair and fatalism. Wilson believes that white Americans, partially consciously, socio-economically endangered poor African Americans, and that this was a reaction of whites dissatisfied with the success achieved by African Americans who became members of the middle and upper class. To more clearly define all these aspects of the urban poverty of African Americans, Wilson introduces the term "subclass" to emphasize the extreme socio-economic marginalization of this population, although he later rejected the term because of the negative connotations it received. Wilson re-examines urban poverty in When Work Disappears (1996) and provides a wealth of qualitative data on the lives of the urban poor.
Douglas Massey and Nancy Denton studied racial residential segregation in the US. Based on that research, together they written tree articles – “The Dimensions of Residential Segregation” (1988a), “Residential Segregation of Blacks, Hispanics, and Asians by Socioeconomic Status and Generation” (1988), and “Hypersegregation in U.S. Metropolitan Areas: Black and Hispanic Segregation along Five Dimensions” (1989) – and a book American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making of the Underclass (1993). Their work aims to depict the origins, scope, persistence, and consequences that racial residential segregation had on the formation of the black underclass.
Massey and Denton conducted a systematic analysis of 1980 U.S. census data across metropolitan areas, applying twenty segregation indices identified through their review of prior research. Their conclusions—and the set of indices they selected—were later confirmed using 1990 census data. They argued that segregation is not a single, unified phenomenon but instead consists of five distinct spatial dimensions: evenness, exposure, clustering, concentration, and centralization. In some U.S. cities, they found that Black populations were highly segregated across all five dimensions simultaneously, a condition they termed “hypersegregation.” In 1990, twenty metropolitan areas met this criterion, encompassing approximately eleven million Black Americans—about 36 percent of the total Black population. Overall, Black Americans remain the most segregated racial group, with about two-thirds of urban Black residents living in highly segregated environments and attending predominantly minority public schools.
Because of the long history of racial stratification in the United States, Black and white populations tend to live in neighborhoods that are economically, socially, and racially distinct, effectively creating separate social worlds with increasingly divergent values and opportunities. Massey and Denton describe this historical pattern as a “culture of segregation.” Residential segregation has functioned as a key mechanism sustaining systemic inequality, contributing to limited job prospects, inadequate public services, and disparities in primary and secondary education. Concentrated poverty, in turn, can largely be explained by two main factors: the extent of spatial segregation experienced by a racial group and its overall poverty rate.
Segregation has also contributed to the emergence of a subculture characterized by linguistic isolation (such as Black English), lower educational attainment, and a tendency toward oppositional attitudes vis-à-vis dominant societal norms. Within marginalized urban communities, an alternative status system has developed that stands in contrast to mainstream American values. This oppositional culture can be understood as a rational response to structural constraints, even though it may also produce negative consequences for the communities involved.
Douglas Massey further examined how race, immigration status, and academic achievement intersect. He found that high-achieving Black and Hispanic students from segregated neighborhoods often experience college-related economic and family stress that leads to declines in academic performance and satisfaction. Although many minority students demonstrate strong commitment and effort in pursuing higher education, they face additional pressures that can hinder their progress. Failing to complete high school or college has significant consequences for future earnings, particularly for those entering the workforce directly. While only 13 percent of Black Americans aged 18–19 were immigrants or children of immigrants, Massey and his colleagues found that 27 percent of Black freshmen at selective colleges in 1999 were first- or second-generation immigrants. There is also some evidence suggesting that white employers may show preferential treatment toward Black immigrants.
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