Bio: (1910-2003) American sociologist. Robert Merton received his doctorate from Harvard and taught at Columbia. During his studies at Harvard, Merton was influenced by his professor Talcott Parsons, who is the founder of functionalism, but Merton later built his version of functionalism, for which he is best known. Merton, also, has made significant contributions in specific areas of sociology: sociology of science and technology, sociology of deviant behavior, theory of status and roles, theory of reference groups, and methodology (the relationship between theoretical and empirical methods).

                       History of Science and Technology

Merton began to study the sociology of science in his doctoral dissertation Science, Technology and Society in Seventeenth-century England (1936), which was later published as a book. He hypothesized that the development of an experimental approach to the study of the natural sciences was a consequence of the Puritan religion. The Puritans wanted to, by researching the empirical world, discover the rules by which God arranged the natural world. With time, as science gained its institutional legitimacy, it severed ties with religion. Merton believed that the future of science depended on the spread of democracy and liberalism, and that the scientific ethos was, in a small way, an example of a democratic ethos. The scientific ethos is based on the values of: "universalism" (objectivity and impartiality), "communism" (scientific knowledge is generally good), "disinterestedness", (absence of any interest in science, other than the desire to know), and "organized skepticism" (necessity to always doubt and seek verification).

The inability to achieve the most important goal of science - originality - leads some scientists to a state of anomie, so they start plagiarizing, fabricating data, attacking their rivals, etc. Merton also did empirical research and was director of the Bureau of Applied Social Research at Columbia University from 1942 to 1971. The product of one such empirical study was Merton's book Mass Persuasion (1946), which dealt, from the aspect of sociology and social psychology, with the influence of mass propaganda on the radio on the purchase of war bonds in the United States during World War II. Merton and Alice Rossi, through their joint work on the processing of data collected in a study called The American Soldier, led by Samuel Stouffer, developed the theory of reference groups.

                                    Middle Range Theories

In his book Social Theory and Social Structure (1949), Merton made an outstanding contribution to the study of sociological theory, its history, as well as to the relationship between theory and empirical research. By sociological theory, he means sets of rules from which empirical "uniformities" can be derived. He believes that sociologists should focus on the development of what he calls "middle range theory". Middle range theories are:

"theories that lie between the minor but necessary working hypotheses that evolve in abundance during day-to-day research and the all-inclusive systematic efforts to develop a unified theory that will explain all the observed uniformities of social behavior, social organization, and social change" (Merton, 1967).

 Middle range theories thus serve to link "total sociological systems" (macro-theoretical systems) with very specific "working hypotheses" used in specific empirical research. Middle range theories are complex enough to fit working hypotheses and other similar micro theories into a broader theoretical framework. On the other hand, unlike macro-theories, middle range theories, due to their proximity to empirical data, enable the creation of new micro-theories or hypotheses that can be tested empirically. As examples of middle theories in sociology, Merton cites: the theory of reference groups, the theory of social mobility, the role-conflict theory, and the theory of the formation of social norms (Merton's contributions to the development of some of these theories are detailed in the same book - Social Theory and Social Structure).

The advantage of middle range theories is their ability to fit into different macro-theories, even when it comes to opposing macro-theories. Another advantage of middle range theories is that they can be presented in the context of social structure, rather than in the context of the historical description of a society. Thus, they help to overcome the apparent conflict between nomothetic and ideothetic approaches, that is, between general sociological theory and historicism. Merton believes that the progress of sociology will be proportionally greater the more it focuses on middle range theories, and less on macro-theories. "Our major task today is to develop special theories applicable to limited conceptual ranges " (Merton, 1967).

Merton responds to critics who state that middle range theories split sociology into unrelated special theories, and argues that they instead serve to consolidate empirical research into a broader sociological framework. Finally, Merton summarizes his view:

„1. Middle-range theories consist of limited sets of assumptions from which specific hypotheses are logically derived and confirmed by empirical investigation. 2. These theories do not remain separate but are consolidated into wider networks of theory, as illustrated by theories of the level of aspiration, reference-group, and opportunity-structure. 3. These theories are sufficiently abstract to deal with differing spheres of social behavior and social structure so that they transcend sheer description or empirical generalization. The theory of social conflict, for example, has been applied to ethnic and racial conflict, class conflict, and international conflict. 4. This type of theory cuts across the distinction between micro-sociological problems, as evidenced in small group research, and macro-sociological problems, as evidenced in comparative studies of social mobility and formal organization, and the interdependence of social institutions. 5. Total sociological systems of theory—such as Marx's historical materialism, Parson's theory of social systems, and Sorokin's integral sociology—represent general theoretical orientations rather than the rigorous and tightknit systems envisaged in the search for a "unified theory" in physics. 6. As a result, many theories of the middle range are consonant with a variety of systems of sociological thought. 7. Theories of the middle range are typically in direct line of continuity with the work of classical theoretical formulations. We are all residuary legatees of Durkheim and Weber, whose works furnish ideas to be followed up, exemplify tactics of theorizing, provide models for the exercise of taste in the selection of problems, and instruct us in raising theoretical questions that develop out of theirs. 8. The middle-range orientation involves the specification of ignorance. Rather than pretend to knowledge where it is in fact absent, it expressly recognizes what must still be learned in order to lay the foundation for still more knowledge. It does not assume itself to be equal to the task of providing theoretical solutions to all the urgent practical problems of the day but addresses itself to those problems that might now be clarified in the light of available knowledge. ”(Merton, 1967).

                                    Concept of the “Paradigm”

Merton introduces the concept of "paradigm" which should serve as a heuristic scheme for the codification of the theory, methods, concepts, and problems of functional analysis in sociology (It is important to note that Merton uses the concept of “paradigm” differently than Thomas Kuhn). The paradigm should bring order to qualitative and theoretical research by codifying previous research and creating specific guidelines for future research. In his view, the paradigm has five closely related functions in functional analysis. First of all, paradigms have the function of labeling, because they create an image of organized central concepts and their mutual relations so that they can be applied to the description and analysis of data. The goal is to create a small enough number of central concepts so that they can all be examined simultaneously. Another function of paradigms is that they reduce the likelihood that the researcher will unknowingly introduce hidden assumptions and concepts. Hypotheses and concepts must logically follow from the paradigm or be explicitly introduced into the already existing paradigm. The third function of paradigms is that they improve the accumulation of theoretical interpretations. The fourth function is that paradigms create systematic schemes of concepts and thus focus on the analysis of empirical data, and not on their description. The fifth function is that paradigms enable the codification of qualitative data with the same level of logical rigor that applies to the analysis of quantitative data.

                                      Neofunctionalism

Merton redefined the postulates of functional analysis in relation to earlier functionalist theories. He accepts the definition of function given by the anthropologist Radcliffe-Brown, where the function is defined as the role that an activity has in maintaining the structural continuity of society as a whole. In that sense, the function refers to the objective consequences that a phenomenon has in society, and not to the subjective dispositions that people have towards it. Similarly, the focus should be on the objective consequences of an activity, and not on the subjective personal motives of individuals to participate in that activity. Merton believes that in classical Radcliffe-Brown functionalism, every social activity or cultural unit fulfills a certain function, and therefore every unit is necessary in order to maintain the functional unity of the whole. Another feature of earlier functionalism is that it believes that all parts of the social system act harmoniously enough to avoid any long-lasting conflicts. The third feature is that the whole system and all its parts are functional (produce positive effects) for each member of society. Merton, on the other hand, believes that the degree of functional integration changes over time in the same society, just as there is a difference between different societies. Thus he argues that: " But not all societies have that high degree of integration in which every culturally standardized activity or belief is functional for the society as a whole and uniformly functional for the people living in it." (Merton, 1967).

Some features of the system may be functional for some groups and non-functional for others. He gives an example of religion which, in addition to positive functions, because it gives common values ​​and goals, can also produce negative consequences - religious conflicts and conflicts between religious and non-religious people. Similarly, Merton believes that it is wrong to claim that every phenomenon in society must have a positive function in the integration of society, or, otherwise, it will not survive. Some phenomena, throughout history, have had a positive function that they have lost over time. Merton proposes the adoption of the assumption of a "net balance of functional consequences", that is, that a phenomenon must, at least, strike a balance between positive and negative consequences.

Merton also introduces a difference between the assumption of the existence of functional preconditions for the survival of every society and the assumption that every phenomenon in society has some vital and necessary function for the survival of society. Merton believes that only the first assumption is correct, but he also believes that the same functional precondition can be fulfilled by different phenomena, so he introduces the concept of "functional alternatives", which can be replaced with alternative concepts of "functional equivalents" and "functional substitutes". In that sense, a phenomenon that has some positive function can be replaced with another, which will give the same or even better positive effects. In addition, some phenomena may be irrelevant to the functioning of the system.

                            "Manifest" and "Latent" Functions

He introduced the distinction between "manifest" and "latent" functions in sociology and functionalist theory. Manifest functions are those that are consciously recognized by the participants and have adaptive consequences. Latent functions are neither recognized nor intended by participants. Latent functions can be positive, negative, or irrelevant. The study of dysfunctions and disequilibrium enables functional analysis to investigate both the dynamic aspect of social systems as well as social conflicts. The corrections that Merton introduces in functional analysis, in his opinion, can free functional analysis from accusations that such analysis supports the ideas of conservative and reactionary ideologies.

                                                Anomie

Merton also developed his own theory of anomie. The anomie is a consequence of the discrepancy between culturally defined goals, on the one hand, and culturally defined rules for achieving those goals and structural possibilities for achieving those goals, which are in accordance with the prescribed rules, on the other hand. When the goals, rules, and possibilities for achieving the goals are in line, then conformity is developed, which enables the maintenance of stability and continuity of the society. In such a stable state, some actors may begin to exhibit deviant behavior. Merton singles out four main forms of deviant behavior: 1) innovation - goals are accepted but non-institutional means are used to achieve them, 2) ritualism - goals are reduced, while means are considered legitimate, 3) retreatism - rejection of both means and goals (when both acts are internalized as norms, failure to fulfill leads to defeatism and resignation), and 4) rebellion - a combination of acceptance and rejection of means and goals, revolutionism. Each of these four types has different consequences for the functioning of the social system and carries a different potential for social change.

                                     Status and Role

Merton contributed to the theory of status and role. He believes that, in addition to the fact that a person can have many different statuses during his life, each individual status contains several roles. He calls such a series of roles contained in a particular status a "role-sets". Different roles from one set of roles arise from the complexity of the social structure. A member of one status expresses different behavior, therefore, he plays a different role, toward those who have the same status as him, and different towards people who have different statuses. All these different roles thus form a role-sets.

In "Structural Analysis in Sociology" (1975), Merton introduces structural analysis as a complementary approach that derives from functional analysis. The structural analysis explores the structural determinants of social phenomena.

Main works

Science, Technology and Society in Seventeenth-century England (1936);

Mass Persuasion (1946);

Social Theory and Social Structure (1949);

On Theoretical Sociology (1967);

The Sociology of Science (1973);

"Structural Analysis in Sociology", in (ed.) Peter M. Blau Approaches to the Study of Social Structure (1975);

Sociological Ambivalence (1976);

On the Shoulders of Giants: A Shandean Postscript (1985);

The Travels and Adventures of Serendipity: A Study in Sociological Semantics and the Sociology of Science (2004).