Bio: (1950-) British sociologist. Peter Saunders received his doctorate from Chelsea College and taught at the University of Sussex. Saunders' research focused on stratification and mobility, economic inequality and poverty, as well as tax and social security systems. He approaches these topics from the ideological positions of the New Right. Saunders believes that the main social differences in Britain are no longer related to class, but to differences in type and level of consumption. He is a great critic of the British tradition of mobility research, such as studies done by Glass and Goldthorp. In the book, Unequal but Fair ?: A Study of Class Barriers in Britain (1996), Saunders, using data from the National Child Development Study, concludes that there is a real meritocracy in Britain because talented children succeed in life regardless of socioeconomic background. In that sense, it can be said that there is inequality in Britain, but that economic differences are fair because they are based on talent and success. People who receive higher economic rewards are the ones who make the greatest contribution to the development of society. Unequal economic rewards also contribute to motivating those who are most talented to give their best.

In his book Social Class and Stratification (1990), Saunders introduces a distinction between three types of equality. Formal or legal equality exists in societies where everyone is subject to the same laws and rules. This type of equality is almost entirely applied in Western capitalist societies. Legal equality does not mean that everyone has an identical socio-economic position. The second type of equality is equality of opportunity which refers to societies in which everyone has an equal chance of becoming unequal. Success depends on personal merit and possessing qualities that are valued in society. Such a society is a meritocracy. The third type of equality is equality of outcomes, which goes beyond the idea of ​​equality of opportunity, and requires that everyone have completely identical outcomes, regardless of personal effort and contributions.

Equality of outcome, in Saunders' opinion, undermines the first two equalities. He believes that programs of "affirmative action" or "positive discrimination" result in discrimination against those who are not covered by these programs. Saunders also supports economic inequality because it contributes to economic growth. The end effect is an increase in the quality of goods and services, a fall in their prices, and an increase in the ability of ordinary people to afford many more goods and services. In addition, there is an increase in well-paid middle-class jobs in Britain and the United States, and thus a decrease in the share of unsuccessful people.

In the same book (1990), Saunders also studies the capitalist class in Britain. He believes that several thousand individuals control most of the key financial and administrative decisions, but he sees this group as an influential economic elite, not as the ruling capitalist class. This group of people lacks control over the administration, the media, and the education system, so they cannot be called the ruling class. He believes that the capitalist class has experienced a decline in influence and ownership because a large part of the ownership of shares (company stocks) and land is in the hands of various associations and cooperatives, as well as pension funds, which means that there has been an expansion of ownership.

Main works

Urban Politics: A Sociological Interpretation (1979);

Social Theory and the Urban Question (1981);

Social Class and Stratification (1990);

Unequal But Fair?: A Study of Class Barriers in Britain (1996);

Social Foundations of a Free Society (2001);

Australia's Welfare Habit: And How to Kick It (2004);

Taxploitation: The Case for Income Tax Reform (2006);

Social Mobility Myths (2010);

The Rise of the Equalities Industry (2011);

Restoring a Nation of Home Owners (2016).